Hyperinflation and extreme scenarios

What is left is the tail of the tail: the scenarios where the thing that breaks is not the portfolio but the frame around it. Hyperinflation, monetary destruction, capital controls, confiscation, war. This chapter is awkward to write, for two opposite reasons. These scenarios are real, and the twentieth century is full of them, orderly rich countries included. They are also rare. And the literature on them swings between two excesses. On one side denial ("it cannot happen here", which is exactly what the people living off their bonds said in 1913). On the other the fear industry, which sells gold, bunkers and newsletters.

This book takes the insurer's position. Name the scenarios, look at what has historically survived each one, and notice one thing. The useful cover is structural, cheap, and largely in place already in a well-built plan: international diversification, a dose of physical gold, assets spread across institutions and account types. What is left is to refuse the mirror trap, the prepper's, who over-insures the far tail while under-insuring the ordinary risks that actually show up (The ten mistakes that wreck a FIRE plan). At the end, a checklist for the extremes that fits in five lines, and permission to go think about something else.

Hyperinflation: what it is, where, and why§

The definition, and the cases. Hyperinflation in the strict sense (Cagan's convention, more than 50% a month) is total destruction. The roster is short: Weimar in 1923, where prices doubled every four days at the peak, Hungary in 1946, the all-time record, Yugoslavia in 1994, Zimbabwe in 2008, Venezuela from 2016 to 2019. One notch below, very high inflations of 20 to 100% a year are far more common, and far more relevant to us. Think of Argentina chronically, Turkey in the 1990s and again in the 2020s, Israel before 1985. And never forget France from 1945 to 1948, at roughly 50% a year. The category is not exotic.

The mechanism is always the same. Hyperinflation is not an inflation that runs away on its own. It is a fiscal event. A state that can no longer tax and can no longer borrow ends up paying its bills by printing money, which is what fiscal dominance means. The spiral starts when the public stops wanting to hold that money. Velocity explodes, and everyone spends their notes the day they get them. For a developed country with an independent central bank that can still borrow, the odds are therefore very low. Not out of virtue, but because the mechanism needs three things at once: fiscal failure, monetization, lost confidence. Every monetary arrangement still carries its own version of the tail. A currency union's is redenomination: one country leaves, and the assets held there are converted by force into a new and weak currency, a scenario discussed seriously for Greece in 2011 and 2012. A dollar investor faces the opposite shape. The dollar cannot be redenominated, but it can be debased, and the mechanism that would do it is the fiscal one above.

What survives and what dies, from the historical cases. Dying outright: cash, bonds, savings accounts, annuities and life insurance denominated in the currency being destroyed. The contract pays, in confetti. German bondholders in 1923 collected their income to the very end, in worthless billions, and that is the absolute limit of any domestic matching (Annuities and safety first: buying a floor, Inflation-linked bonds: the only contract written in real terms). Even linkers are worth only as much as the state doing the indexing. Surviving, in part or in full, four families of assets. Foreign assets in foreign currency first, the real refuge, the wealth that sits in neither the jurisdiction nor the currency of the wreck. Gold and hard currency held directly next, the means of exchange for the crossing, the years lived inside the episode. Domestic equities in real businesses too, which come through better than claims: the factories are still standing, though battered by controls, taxes and dilution, and the German share of 1923 preserved a fraction of its value rather than its value. Real estate last, because the building stays even when the rents, often frozen by decree, fail to follow prices.

HYPERINFLATIONWeimar in real terms: the claim goes to zero, the share is only batteredreal capital left per 100 invested at the end of 1913, log scale1922-1924measurement unreliable110100capital intact1913191519171919192119231925the government bond hits zeroin 1923, and never comes back171925German equities40 in 1926The bondholder is wiped out, the shareholder has lost more than 80% and outlives him.German annual real returns from the Jorda-Schularick-Taylor panel (R6), compounded from the end of 1913.
Real capital left, per 100 invested at the end of 1913, for a German shareholder and for a holder of German government bonds, from the German series of the Jorda-Schularick-Taylor panel (R6), on a log scale. The marks from 1922 to 1924 are greyed out, because nothing can be measured honestly in a currency that loses an order of magnitude a month. It is the two end points that speak.

The other extremes, in brief§

Capital controls and partial confiscation. Historically more frequent than hyperinflation, developed countries included. Remember the ban on private gold holdings in the United States, from 1933 all the way to 1974. French exchange controls, in force until 1989. Cyprus in 2013, where deposits were levied outright. Greece in 2015, with withdrawals capped at EUR 60 a day. The lesson repeats. In an acute crisis, a state closes first what is easy to close, which means domestic deposits and cross-border flows. The defense is the one above, spreading the assets beforehand across jurisdictions, institutions and kinds of assets. Once the crisis is running it is too late by construction.

War on your own soil. This is the scenario that dominates the broad sample's failures (Beyond the United States: Anarkulova, Cederburg and the world sample). It is also, let us be honest, the one where the portfolio becomes a second-order problem. On the wealth side, history remembers one thing. Foreign assets and mobility saved what could be saved. Everything else came down to who won.

Soft regulatory seizure. This is the modern and plausible version of the extremes. No brutal confiscation, but a one-off levy on capital, a forced loan, a tax code that leans a little harder on people living off capital every few years. The defense is not flight, which is illegal and ruinous. It is spreading across account types and legal statuses (US accounts, and the order you drain them), watching the rules as they change (The annual review: the retiree's checklist), and accepting. This risk is part of the social contract. It gets budgeted, through the prudence haircut on net rates, rather than dodged.

The structural cover a well-built plan already has§

Add up the cover, because the good news of this chapter is right here. The plan this book builds already handles most of the extremes, through decisions taken for entirely different reasons.

A few additions are worth having for large estates or cautious temperaments, in order of rising cost. A foreign brokerage account, to diversify the custodian and the law, at the price of some paperwork. A sleeve of hard currency other than your own, which unhedged foreign equities already hand you in practice. And, for genuinely large estates, international structuring, which sits outside the scope of this book as it sits outside most people's needs.

The essentials§


Going further§